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This book focuses on the short but crucial period that led to the collapse of the Spanish Republic and set the stage for the ensuing civil war. Stanley G. Payne, an internationally known scholar of modern Spanish history, details the political shifts that occurred from 1933 to 1936 and examines the actions and inactions of key actors during these years. Using their own memoirs, speeches, and declarations, he challenges previous perceptions of various major players, including President Alcal� Zamora.
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The breakdown of political coalitions and the internal rifts between Spain’s bourgeois and labor classes sparked many instances of violent dissent in the mid-1930s. The book addresses the election of 1933 and the destabilizing insurrection that followed, Alcal� Zamora's failed attempts to control the major parties, and the backlash that resulted.� The alliances of the socialist left with communism and the right with fascism are also explored, as is the role of forces outside Spain in spurring the violence that eventually exploded into war.��
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- Sales Rank: #1237491 in Books
- Published on: 2006-05-31
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.25" h x 1.31" w x 6.13" l, 1.64 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 432 pages
Review
"An outstanding book by one of the most distinguished scholars in the field."—Juan J. Linz, Yale University
(Juan J. Linz)
"This is the most compelling analysis of the origins of the Spanish Civil War that I know."—Michael Seidman, University of North Carolina-Wilmington
(Michael Seidman)
About the Author
Stanley G. Payne is Hilldale-Jaume Vicens Vives Professor of History at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. He is the author of fifteen books, including The Spanish Civil War, the Soviet Union, and Communism, published by Yale University Press.
Most helpful customer reviews
11 of 12 people found the following review helpful.
Important but a bit Tendentious; 4.5 stars
By R. Albin
This is another important and interesting book from Stanley Payne, author of the excellent The Franco Regime and other fine books on Spanish and European history. The Collapse... is a detailed analysis of the events leading up to the end of the Second Spanish Republic and the Spanish Civil War. Payne presents a detailed chronological narrative of the political history of the final years of the Republic accompanied by some structural analysis, notably in a good summary chapter at the end of the book. In Payne's view, the fall of the Republic resulted from a combination of weak political institutions and particularly the rash and anti-democratic actions of the Spanish Left. The latter including not only definitely Left wing parties like the anarcho-syndicalists and Socialists but also middle class left of center Liberal parties. In Payne's analysis, the Civil War was precipitated by the Left's disregard of democratic principles, flouting of the law, and pursuit of radical policies that would eventually push the Right into revolt. Payne is harshly critical of the major leaders of the Left, particularly the Liberal leaders Azana and the Socialist leaders Largo Caballero and Prieto. The President of the Republic, Alcala Zamora, also comes in for considerable criticism for actions that degraded the democratic nature of the parliamentary process. As an indictment of the actions of the Spanish Left, this book is very effective.
I think, however, that Payne's analysis is somewhat incomplete. As he himself points out, the weak political institutions of the Republic stemmed in good part from the destruction of the prior parliamentary system by the immediately preceding military dictatorship of Primo de Rivera. While Payne is appropriately critical of the leadership of the Left, I think he lets the Right leadership off too lightly. There was continuous military plotting against the Republic throughout its lifespan. At least one Rightist group, the Carlists, actually engaged in treasonous dealings with the Italian Fascist government. Payne's point that much of this intrigue was not very threatening is probably correct but since the Republic emerged from a military dictatorship, it was certain to be perceived as very threatening by the Left. Payne points to the anti-clerical behavior of the Left as particularly destructive. There is no doubt he is correct but nowhere does he mention that the Catholic hierarchy oppposed not only clearly wrong actions of the Left like suppression of the Jesuits but also more democratic actions like the separation of church and state. The major Right party, the CEDA, under the leadership of Gil Robles, was more law abiding than several of the Leftist groups, but Gil Robles never unequivocally committed to democratic principles and flirted with fascist style rhetoric. As Payne points out, both the major party of the Left, the Socialists, and the major party of the Right, the CEDA, were at best "semi-loyal" to the Republic. Finally, Payne hardly mentions some important aspects of the international background of the Republic. By the mid-30s, the Leftist parties would have seen many of their cognate parties in central and eastern Europe crushed by Rightist movements. The most important Socialist party in Europe, and one committed to democratic practices, the German Socialists, had been destroyed by the Nazi 'back door' revolution based on abuse on a parliamentary/electoral system. It wasn't unreasonable for the Spanish Socialists to fear something similar in Spain. None of these facts exculpate the Spanish Left but they do make their actions easier to understand.
11 of 14 people found the following review helpful.
Chapeau!
By Jose Sanchez Alarcos
Stanley Payne is one of the hispanists who knows what he speaks about. Many others, even Spaniards, select the facts conveying to a previous conclusion. Payne is not like that.
In a recent interview, he said that "spanish war was not a war of good peeople against bad people; it was a war of bad people against bad people". I fully agree.
When someone, like the present Government, tries to re-write the history defeating Franco thirty years after he was dead, there is a danger: Many ghosts (from both sides) can come out and, once they are out, nobody could know how to get rid of them.
5 of 9 people found the following review helpful.
Excellent research, but biased work
By Thomas V. Millington
Many people will agree that the Spanish Civil War was one of the most contentious and bitter conflicts of the twentieth century. To learn more about this conflict it is important to learn about the Spanish Second Republic, 1931-1936 and its demise. Stanley Payne is one of the few historians with an excellent track record on documenting the Spanish Civil War (Hugh Thomas, Paul Preston and Gabriel Jackson being the others). However, Mr. Payne stumbles or, perhaps more accurately commits the sin of allowing bias to come into his research.
The research is high quality, although I would have liked to have seen more government data. Mr. Payne relies almost exclusively on personal memoirs and the citations of other authors. As I read the book I felt almost as if he were trying to justify the revolt led by Francisco Franco. Frequently comparing the Spanish Second Republic to Hitler and the Nazis, Payne essentially blames it for allowing all the violence that led up to the Spanish Civil War. He blames the Socialists for violence.
Manuel Aza�a, the prime minister in 1931 and who played a significant role in the affairs of the Republic, is portrayed as an arrogant and uncompromising egotist and the president, Niceto Alcal� Zamora is depicted as a manipulator who frequently suppressed the constitutionality of the government and restricted the Cortes from doing its job.
Payne blames the Socialists and the Left Republicans for fostering and condoning violent campaigns against the right. At times he contradicts himself: he claims that the left invented the fascist threat--that there was no fascist organization in Spain, but then later he elaborates on the role of the Falange and its victimization at the hands of the leftists. At one point he writes: "The Spanish Left insisted on a permanentely leftist regime that could ignore the rules of the game but guarantee predictable results, not a functioning democracy."
Mr. Payne is at the top of his game with his research. I learned quite a bit about some of the political parties that took part in the Republic. However, he should have included a table at the beginning to serve as a reference for all the parties and their acronyms. I frequently had to look back through the book to see what the acronyms stood for. A reference table would have been very helpful.
The underlying theme of the book seems to be that the right (especially the CEDA) tried as hard as it could to work with the Republic but frequently found itself to be under violent attack. Another theme that Payne emphasizes is the attacks on churches and the clergy. Once again we see that only the left was violent. I would have liked Payne to have elaborated more on the relationship between the Church and the monarchists, since they did form an important part of the nationalists. Unfortunately, he only mentions that Renovaci�n Espa�ola (the monarchist party) went to Italy to ask for support from Mussolini.
Towards the end of the book he portrays Franco as someone not willing to revolt (until the assassination of Calvo Sotelo)and as a firm supporter of the Republic. Payne also claims that Emilio Mola, the architect behind the revolt, made a last ditch effort to avoid the conflict. The evidence that Payne presents to support this is not very strong and is open to any type of interpretation.
It would have been much better if Payne had presented a more balanced view of the Second Republic and the elements that contributed to its downfall. Historians must be very careful not to cross a certain line when they present research and I think Payne comes dangerously close to doing so. And it would be a shame to label this book 'anti-left propaganda.' But at times it seems as if Payne is intending to debunk the notion that the Second Republic failed because of strong rightist opposition. It encountered vehement resistance from the Church and the monarchists since its very inception. In his conclusion, for no apparent reason, Payne draws a comparison between the Spanish Second Republic and the Salvador Allende government of 1970-1973. There was no need for this other than to also debunk that other stalward of leftist mythology. It made no sense whatsover for the Allende government to even be mentioned in this book. This was not a good way to conclude his work and I am disappointed that Payne made this decision.
I think that for anyone not familiar with the Spanish Civil War, this will be a difficult read. At times it became pedantic. But for anyone who enjoys reading about Spanish history or about the Spanish Civil War, this is worth reading. However, the reader should also read Hugh Thomas's "The Spanish Civil War" to temper it.
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